Originally posted by mmQ
But yeah. So I get it. All the stats now show that blacks commit more crimes even though they're the minority and all that. That's common knowledge. So it does seem at a glance that the whole issue is 'dumb' because of that. The "if you want blacks to stop dying so much maybe start killing one another" thing. And it does make sense, right? It seems weird to take a movement seriously when the people of that very movement also seem to actively demonstrate behavior that goes against that very movement.
That's the weird uh, tricky part to me, because that's where I think it's not as simple as that right? Like, yes, we can say that blacks just tend to shoot one another a lot more than other races do, and then we have to ask why right? And like aldra has already said and like most people here already know I feel like it's basically sort of ingrained in their whole culture and upbringing, obviously its "cool" to be a gangsta and all that, and blah blah. So to me, it's like they've brought it on themselves, but also, WE sort of MADE them bring it on to themselves.
I have to pee again.
Institutional racism in the housing sector can be seen as early as the 1930s with the Home Owners' Loan Corporation. Banks would determine a neighborhood's risk for loan default and redline neighborhoods that were at high risk of default. These neighborhoods tended to be African American neighborhoods, whereas white-middle-class Americans were able to receive housing loans. Over several decades, as white middle-class Americans left the city to move to nicer houses in the suburbs, predominantly African American neighborhoods were left to degrade. Retail stores also started moving to the suburbs to be closer to the customers. From the 1930s through the 1960s following the depression, Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal FHA enabled the growth of the white middle class by providing loan guarantees to banks, which in turn, financed white homeownership and enabled white flight, and it did not make loans available to blacks. As minorities were not able to get financing and aid from banks, whites pulled ahead in equity gains. Moreover, many college students were then, in turn, financed with the equity in homeownership that was gained by having gotten the earlier government handout, which was not the same accorded to black and other minority families. The institutional racism of the FHA's 1943 model has been tempered after the recent recession by changes in the 1970s and most recently by President Obama's efforts to stabilize the housing losses of 2008 with his Fair Housing Finance (GSE) reform.
https://books.google.com/books?id=NAcmSchlTOYC&pg=PA171https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/2013/08/05/fact-sheet-better-bargain-middle-class-housinghttps://www.huduser.gov/portal/periodicals/em/fall12/highlight1.htmlThese changes, which were brought on by government-funded programs and projects, have led to a significant change in inner-city markets. Black neighborhoods have been left with fewer food stores, but more liquor stores. The low-income neighborhoods are left with independently owned smaller grocery stores that tend to have higher prices. Poor consumers are left with the option of traveling to middle-income neighborhoods, or spending more for less.
The racial segregation and disparities in wealth between European Americans and African-American people include legacies of historical policies. In the Social Security Act of 1935, agricultural workers, servants, most of whom were black, were excluded because key white southerners did not want governmental assistance to change the agrarian system. In the Wagner Act of 1935, "blacks were blocked by law from challenging the barriers to entry into the newly protected labor unions and securing the right to collective bargaining." In the National Housing Act of 1939, the property appraisal system tied property value and eligibility for government loans to race. The 1936 Underwriting Manual used by the Federal Housing Administration to guide residential mortgages gave 20% weight to a neighborhood's protection, for example, zoning ordinances, deed restrictions, high speed traffic arteries, from adverse influences, such as infiltration of inharmonious racial groups. Thus, white-majority neighborhoods received the government's highest property value ratings, and white people were eligible for government loans and aid. Between 1934 and 1962, less than 2 percent of government-subsidized housing went to non-white people.
https://www.pbs.org/race/006_WhereRaceLives/006_00-home.htmhttps://lawcat.berkeley.edu/record/1120577/files/fulltext.pdfIn 1968, the Fair Housing Act (FHA) was signed into law to eliminate the effects of state-sanctioned racial segregation. But it failed to change the status quo as the United States remained nearly segregated as in the 1960s. A newer discriminating lending practice was the subprime lending in the 1990s. Lenders targeted high-interest subprime loans to low-income and minority neighborhoods who might be eligible for fair-interest prime loans. Securitization, mortgage brokers and other non-deposit lenders, and legislative deregulation of the mortgage lending industry all played a role in promoting the subprime lending market.
Numerous audit studies conducted in the 1980s in the United States found consistent evidence of discrimination against African Americans and Hispanics in metropolitan housing markets.
https://doi.org/10.1177%2F0739456X9000900302The long-outlawed practice of redlining (in which banks choke off lending to minority communities) recently re-emerged as a concern for federal bank regulators in New York and Connecticut. A settlement with the Justice Dept and the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau was the largest in the history of both agencies, topping $33 million in restitution for the practice from New Jersey's largest savings bank. The bank had been accused of steering clear of minority neighborhoods and favoring white suburban borrowers in granting loans and mortgages, finding that of the approximately 1900 mortgages made in 2014 only 25 went to black applicants. The banks' executives denied bias, and the settlement came with adjustments to the banks business practices. This followed other successful efforts by the federal, state and city officials in 2014 to expand lending programs directed at minorities, and in some cases to force banks to pay penalties for patterns of redlining in Providence, R.I.; St. Louis, Mo.; Milwaukee, WI.; Buffalo and Rochester, N.Y. The Justice Dept also has more active redlining investigations underway, and officials have stated to reporters that "redlining is not a thing of the past". It has evolved into a more politically correct version, where bankers do not talk about denying loans to blacks openly. The justice department officials noted that some banks have quietly institutionalized bias in their operations. They have moved their operations out of minority communities entirely, while others have moved in to fill the void and compete for clients. Such management decisions are not the stated intent, it is left unspoken so that even the bank's other customers are unaware that it is occurring. The effect on minority communities can be profound as home ownership, a prime source of neighborhood stability and economic mobility can affect its vulnerability to blight and disrepair. In the 1960s and 1970s laws were passed banning the practice; its return is far less overt, and while the vast majority of banks operate legally, the practice appears to be more widespread as the investigation revealed a vast disparity in loans approved for blacks vs whites in similar situations.
https://www.nationalmortgagenews.com/news/cfpb-doj-stepping-up-interest-in-redlining-caseshttps://www.nytimes.com/2015/10/31/nyregion/hudson-city-bank-settlement.htmlStudies in major cities such as Los Angeles and Baltimore show that communities of color have lower levels of access to parks and green space. Parks are considered an environmental amenity and have social, economic, and health benefits. The public spaces allow for social interactions, increase the likelihood of daily exercise in the community and improve mental health. They can also reduce the urban heat island effect, provide wildlife habitat, control floods, and reduce certain air pollutants. Minority groups have less access to decision-making processes that determine the distribution of parks.
http://lusk.usc.edu/sites/default/files/working_papers/Wolch.parks_.pdfhttps://doi.org/10.1080%2F00045600903102949https://doi.org/10.1111%2F0022-4537.00184
