User Controls
THE MAGA PARTY!,,, the GOP is dead, republicans are going down with the dems,, get ready for THE MAGA PARTY lefty's
-
2021-02-21 at 9:26 PM UTC
-
2021-02-21 at 9:42 PM UTC
Originally posted by ⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀ Don't worry, brother. It's all coming. Everything you ever wanted and more. You have to remember that true justice works on its own schedule, not on ours. Just when the filthy rats least expect it, they are going to get their just reward. Won't be much longer. Everything will fall into place, perfectly, in its own time. Just think of all the things that have happened so far, against all odds. The fake Russian hoax. Exposed to the world for the liars and schemers they really are. Made into laughing stocks. The first impeachment, a complete and utter disaster. Big Tech, Hollywood, the Deep State, RINOs, corporate giants, millions of fascist commies, Fake News, foreign adversaries, all working together in lockstep unison, and they all fell flat on their faces for the world to see. Their second attempt was even more of a clown show; people all over the world could only turn away in disgust and embarrassment for them. They're not winning, they're losing bad. In fact, they haven't won a single battle on the field in the entire past four years. Everything they've tried has blown up in their faces. This stolen election will, too! Just takes time to set up things to rub their faces in it. Very soon now, all will be set right, and much more. All these traitors and seditionists and commies and bloodthirsty fascists are going straight down the toilet, they just don't know it yet, and it will be well worth the wait, and that is a 100% guarantee. Be patient. Things are about to move very quickly.
Prove something or fuck off/kys -
2021-02-22 at 12 AM UTCI'm sufferin from reasonable doubt.
-
2021-02-22 at 1:30 AM UTCThe following users say it would be alright if the author of this post didn't die in a fire!
-
2021-02-22 at 6:43 AM UTC
-
2021-02-22 at 10:45 AM UTC
-
2021-02-22 at 1:05 PM UTCI never followed Q,, I did listen to some Q deciferers and knew all along they may be wrong as they were deciferin silly shit that could be twisted in any direction.
and just cuz that fool is in in the white house don't mean Q was wrong or this shit show is over.
the courts are going to continue to fuck up the globalist plan.
stl is a bigger fool than Joe biden -
2021-02-22 at 3:24 PM UTCThe Washington Post
Supreme Court again rejects Trump’s bid to shield tax returns, other financial records from Manhattan prosecutor
Robert Barnes
The Supreme Court on Monday rejected former president Donald Trump’s last-chance effort to keep his private financial records from the Manhattan district attorney, ending a long and drawn-out legal battle.
After a four-month delay, the court denied Trump’s motion in a one-sentence order with no recorded dissents.
District Attorney Cyrus R. Vance Jr. has won every stage of the legal fight — including the first round at the Supreme Court — but has yet to receive the records he says are necessary for a grand jury investigation into whether the president’s companies violated state law.
The current fight is a follow-up to last summer’s decision by the high court that the president is not immune from a criminal investigation while he holds office.
“No citizen, not even the president, is categorically above the common duty to produce evidence when called upon in a criminal proceeding,” Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. wrote for the majority in that 7 to 2 decision. -
2021-02-22 at 3:48 PM UTCThe Atlantic
The 5 Trump Amendments to the Constitution
Jonathan Rauch
When I step back to look at the legacy of President Donald Trump, a surprising conclusion emerges: He has substantially altered the Constitution. His changes aren’t formal, of course. But his informal amendments are important. If left to stand, they threaten to make Congress an advisory body and give carte blanche to rogue presidents.
The surprising aspect of this conclusion is not that the Constitution can be informally amended. That has been the usual way of making revisions. In 1803, the Supreme Court granted itself the power to review laws and overturn them. In 1824, the states tied the electoral vote to the popular vote. Neither of those changes was inscribed on parchment or envisioned by the Founders, but today we can’t imagine our constitutional system without them.
Presidents have been the authors of many informal amendments. George Washington set enduring precedents such as the two-term limit on presidential service (a norm so embedded that after Franklin D. Roosevelt broke it, it was written into the formal Constitution). Andrew Jackson reimagined the president as the direct representative of the people. Abraham Lincoln ruled out secession.
But Trump has been broadly reckoned to be a more ephemeral figure. His bark, many said, was worse than his bite. Sure, he broke a lot of norms and probably also some laws; but his oafishness and short attention span made his constitutional incursions easy to repel. Although his political footprint was deep, his constitutional footprint was faint. Such, at least, has been the conventional wisdom.
I don’t think that’s true at all. Though he was no Washington or Lincoln, Trump amended the informal Constitution in at least five significant ways. No one of them is epochal or entirely unprecedented, but together they add up to something new, large, and dangerous.
Amendment 1. No president shall be removed from office for treason, bribery, or any other crime or misdemeanor, no matter how high, should a partisan minority of the Senate choose to protect him.
This amendment would have alarmed the Founders profoundly. They provided for only one way to remove a malfeasant president—impeachment by a majority of the House and conviction by two-thirds of the Senate. (The Twenty-fifth Amendment is designed for an incapacitated president, not a corrupt one.) Until Trump came along, the process had been used only twice, in 1868 and 1998, for Presidents Andrew Johnson and Bill Clinton. Neither was convicted by the Senate, but the potency of the threat was enough to constrain presidential behavior—a norm that was strengthened in 1974, when President Richard Nixon resigned rather than face impeachment.
Trump was not the first president to be impeached, the first to be acquitted, or the first to be protected by his party. In 1998, Senate Democrats protected Clinton. But the charge against Clinton (perjuring himself to cover up a sexual affair) didn’t seem very serious to the public, and after his acquittal it was still possible to assume that a truly high crime or misdemeanor would result in conviction. Trump and his Republican enablers comprehensively demolished that assumption.
Trump’s first impeachment, in 2020, was for trying to use federal aid dollars to extort political help from a foreign country. That seemed as serious as the Watergate shenanigans that forced Nixon from office. His second impeachment, in 2021, was for sending a seditious mob into the streets to overturn an election—a misdeed that exceeded any prior presidential offense. As the House managers rightly asked in Trump’s second trial, if the Senate did not convict a president for fomenting a violent insurrection, what in the world would it convict him for? The particulars, though, turned out not to matter. In both cases, the outcome—acquittal—was a foregone conclusion, because all Trump needed was 34 pliable and protective Senate votes.
The impeachment mechanism was intended to be a check on presidential misbehavior; instead, post-Trump, it is now more like a partisan permission slip, allowing presidents to do as they please provided they keep their party in line. In other words, from now on, presidents should assume that the way to hold on to power is to stay not on the right side of the law but on the right side of their party. To put it mildly, that is not what the Founders intended.
Amendment 2. Congressional oversight shall be optional. No congressional subpoena or demand for testimony or documents shall bind a president who chooses to ignore it.
Since the earliest days of the republic, Congress’s authority to oversee and investigate the executive branch, though unwritten, has been one of the Constitution’s most important avenues of presidential accountability. Anyone who doubts this need only recall the impact of the Watergate hearings. As teenagers, my brother and I got up and watched them early each morning before school, riveted by the daily revelations. Because congressional investigations can be so embarrassing, presidents have to one degree or another slow-walked them since the Washington administration. No news there.
Usually, though, both sides reached negotiated solutions. Congress got much but not all of what it wanted while presidents preserved carve-outs. Presidents recognized the legitimacy of congressional oversight and Congress recognized the legitimacy of executive privilege.
But in recent years, cooperation deteriorated as partisanship increased. And then came Trump. In April 2019 he declared, “We’re fighting all the subpoenas.” Then, during his first impeachment, he shifted from fighting congressional subpoenas to flatly disregarding them. “Nine administration officials refused to testify; executive departments such as the departments of Defense and State rejected all requests for the production of documents,” Bob Bauer and Jack Goldsmith wrote in their recent book, After Trump: Reconstructing the Presidency. “So sue us,” said the administration, knowing that litigating would take years and run out the clock. To make matters worse for Congress, in 2020 a federal court ruled that the courts lack authority to enforce Congress’s subpoenas of the White House.
By the time Trump left office, he had reset the balance in the president’s favor. From now on, if the president stonewalls Congress—well, too bad for Congress. -
2021-02-22 at 3:49 PM UTCAmendment 3. Congressional appropriations shall be suggestions. The president may choose whether or not to comply with congressional spending laws, and Congress shall have no recourse should a president declare that his own priorities supersede Congress’s instructions.
In the Founders’ scheme, Congress’s most important and unchallenged authority is the power of the purse. Article I says, in no uncertain terms, “No money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in consequence of appropriations made by law.” Time and again, from Washington’s day to our own, Congress—especially the House, which initiates spending bills—has relied on its command of the budget to enforce its will. So central was this authority that in 1974, after Nixon impounded appropriated funds, refusing to spend them, Congress passed a law cutting him off at the knees.
That was then. When Congress appropriated only about $1.4 billion to the Homeland Security Department for Trump’s border barrier, instead of the $5.7 billion Trump wanted, the administration simply declared a national emergency on the southern border and used it as a pretext to dip into Pentagon accounts. The White House cited a passel of statutes in its defense, and the usual suspects filed the usual lawsuits. The emergency was bogus and the president’s legal arguments were tenuous, but the money got spent, and Trump made his point: You can’t stop me.
Amendment 4. The president shall have authority to make appointments as he sees fit, without the advice and consent of the Senate, provided he deems his appointees to be acting, temporary, or otherwise exempt from the ordinary confirmation process.
If control of spending is the House’s constitutional superpower, the authority to confirm or reject presidential nominees is the Senate’s. Here, too, growing partisan polarization has made the confirmation tug-of-war more contentious in recent decades. Presidents George W. Bush and Barack Obama found ways around the impasses in the Senate. But, as ever, Trump took defiance to a new level. “One of Trump’s signature governmental initiatives has been to circumvent, or ignore, the Senate confirmation process for top executive branch appointments,” Bauer and Goldsmith wrote. “This conduct had precursors in prior administrations, but Trump took it to new extremes.”
In 1998, Congress passed the Federal Vacancies Reform Act to constrain presidents’ use of supposedly temporary appointments to evade Senate confirmation. But the law’s cumbersome process lets temporary appointees serve, in theory, for more than two years. The law also left a loophole allowing the president to delegate the duties of a vacant office to an unconfirmed official. Bush and Obama exploited those loopholes, but not like Trump, who deliberately left positions empty, fired appointees, and parceled out their duties to unconfirmed and acting officials. “I like acting [appointees] because I can move so quickly,” Trump declared. “It gives me more flexibility.” He used many more acting officials than his predecessors—more than a quarter of all acting officials between 1977 and 2019 were in Trump’s administration, one study found—and they served for much longer stretches. “Trump’s manipulation of the vacancies system skirts the check of the constitutional appointments process and denigrates the values underlying that process,” Bauer and Goldsmith concluded.
Amendment 5. The president shall have unconstrained authority to dangle and issue pardons for the purpose of obstructing justice, tampering with witnesses, and forestalling investigations.
The president has his own superpower: unconstrained, unlimited authority to pardon and commute federal crimes. In recent years, presidents, fearing political blowback if a pardoned criminal were to commit another crime, have become more and more parsimonious in their use of pardons to correct even blatant injustices. That’s a loss for the justice system. Some presidents made fishy-looking pardons, but underuse of pardons became a much bigger problem than their overuse.
Well, until Trump. Characteristically, he managed to make both problems worse. He used pardons more sparingly than any modern president except the two Bushes, granting only 2 percent of clemency requests, versus more than a third under Nixon, who was no slouch on law and order. More striking, though, was the way Trump used the pardon power: corruptly.
“No other president has, like Trump, used pardons systematically to serve political and personal goals,” Bauer and Goldsmith wrote. Trump routinely circumvented the normal vetting process, and not just a few but the great majority of his pardons went to people with a personal or political connection to him.
What was more troubling, however, was his dangling of pardons to stymie law enforcement that he thought threatened him. During the Mueller investigation, Trump relayed messages to one witness, former National Security Adviser Michael Flynn, to “stay strong.” Trump’s lawyers told Flynn’s lawyers, “Remember what we’ve always said about the president and his feelings toward Flynn.” When Flynn flipped against Trump, the president told reporters, “I don’t want to talk about pardons for Michael Flynn yet. We’ll see what happens. Let’s see.” Later, Flynn flipped back and stopped cooperating with the investigation—and, on November 25, 2020, with the election safely in the past, he got his pardon. Others who held out against Mueller to protect Trump—including Roger Stone (praised by Trump as “very brave”) and Paul Manafort—also got pardons.
“This is rotten to the core,” Republican Senator Ben Sasse said in a one-sentence press statement. He was right, but yet again, Trump had made his point: If forced to choose between the president and the law, choose the president.
The Trump amendments are significant individually, but together they are mutually reinforcing, blocking recourse against a rogue president in every direction. The nullification of impeachment allows the president to dangle pardons, which blocks accountability to law enforcement. Stonewalling blocks accountability to Congress. Temporary appointees and unappropriated spending prevent Congress from pushing back.
Still, we can count our blessings. There was a sixth Trump amendment that he did not get around to adopting in his first term but that he would have put through in a second. -
2021-02-22 at 3:49 PM UTCAmendment 6 (not adopted): The president may ignore or violate court orders.
As we’ve seen, Trump was sued many times for his power grabs—by Congress, by private plaintiffs, by practically everyone. When he did lose in court, which was often, he typically acceded to the judgment. Open warfare with the judicial branch was a bridge he was not ready to cross—before the 2020 election. But after? If he’d won? Why not defy the Supreme Court if it got in his way? With the first five amendments already in place, there would have been little for Congress or anyone else to do except stand back aghast as one man became the law.
Still, the successful Trump amendments are destabilizing enough. They give the presidency a degree of unilateral discretion and impunity that the Founders took great pains to preclude. Together, they make it obvious and undeniable that Congress is no longer the first among equals in the constitutional hierarchy, or even a coequal branch. The presidency is supreme.
That change represents a structural revision of the constitutional order, not just a temporary aberration. In the hands of a more able Machiavellian, it could move the country alarmingly close to a truly, not just metaphorically, imperial presidency.
So we are left relying, more than ever before, on presidential character and self-restraint. We are left to hope that subsequent presidents do not use the weapons Trump has given them. President Joe Biden seems reluctant to use them, and if that’s the case, his restraint will provide a welcome respite. But it will also give the illusion that the threat of an unaccountable, uncontainable presidency has subsided—an illusion that could be rudely shattered under a President Donald Trump Jr., or a President Marjorie Taylor Greene, or, for that matter, a resurgent President Donald J. Trump. Any one of them, or some comparable figure from the right or the left, could and would put through Trump’s unadopted sixth amendment, and that would end the rule of law as we know it.
The country, both political parties, and Biden himself would be well served to pull in the reins while they can. Because the Trump amendments are not written into the formal Constitution, statutory changes can at least partially repeal them. For instance, Congress and Biden can close loopholes that Trump used to move money around and evade the confirmation of nominees. They can make it explicitly illegal for a president to use pardons to obstruct justice or engage in criminal acts. (This would not revoke any pardons a future president might issue, but it would make a president think twice before issuing a pardon that might expose him to a corruption investigation after leaving office.) They can strengthen Congress’s oversight power by fast-tracking judicial review of congressional subpoenas. In their book, Bauer and Goldsmith listed dozens of such proposals. There is no shortage of options.
The real fix for the Trump amendments, though, is not statutory. It is political. It requires Congress to begin reasserting its institutional prerogatives and putting them ahead of short-term partisan politics. That won’t come easily in an era when so many members think of themselves as partisan warriors first and members of Congress second—and, especially, when most congressional Republicans have spent the past four years working for Trump.
Most important, repealing the Trump amendments requires a change of mindset among partisans in the public, primarily Republicans. No laws can stymie a chief executive who is determined to ignore them, who punishes anyone who enforces them, and who pardons anyone who helps him evade them. No impeachment process will deter a president whose partisans will protect him regardless of what he does. A conservative party devoted to limited government should be horrified by presidential claims to unlimited personal authority. Instead, however, Republicans have supported Trump’s dangerous precedents at every turn, a decision they will regret if a left-leaning president picks up where Trump left off.
Although he is no constitutional scholar, Trump has a theory of the Constitution: “I have an Article II, where I have the right to do whatever I want as president.” Before he was elected, that theory was plainly wrong. But after his one term in office, the Trump amendments have brought his theory to the brink of realization. -
2021-02-22 at 4:12 PM UTCThats a pretty crappy article about hypothetical precedents that may or may not have been set. I like the Atlantic but that article is gay af.The following users say it would be alright if the author of this post didn't die in a fire!
-
2021-02-22 at 10:34 PM UTCTRUMP won get over it
-
2021-02-23 at 2:42 AM UTCThis] is all Democrat-inspired in a totally Democrat location, New York City and State, completely controlled and dominated by a heavily reported enemy of mine, Governor Andrew Cuomo. These are attacks by Democrats willing to do anything to stop the almost 75 million people (the most votes, by far, ever gotten by a sitting president) who voted for me in the election—an election which many people, and experts, feel that I won. I agree!
The new phenomenon of “headhunting” prosecutors and AGs—who try to take down their political opponents using the law as a weapon—is a threat to the very foundation of our liberty. That’s what is done in third world countries. Even worse are those who run for prosecutorial or attorney general offices in far-left states and jurisdictions pledging to take out a political opponent. That’s fascism, not justice—and that is exactly what they are trying to do with respect to me, except that the people of our Country won’t stand for it. In the meantime, murders and violent crime are up in New York City by record numbers, and nothing is done about it. Our elected officials don’t care. All they focus on is the persecution of President Donald J. Trump. I will fight on, just as I have, for the last five years (even before I was successfully elected), despite all of the election crimes that were committed against me. We will win! -
2021-02-23 at 2:44 AM UTCPage extended-protected
Donald Trump
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to navigation
Jump to search
For other uses, see Donald Trump (disambiguation).
Donald Trump
Official White House presidential portrait. Head shot of Trump smiling in front of the U.S. flag, wearing a dark blue suit jacket with American flag lapel pin, white shirt, and light blue necktie.
Official portrait, 2017
45th President of the United States
In office
January 20, 2017 – January 20, 2021
Vice President Mike Pence
Preceded by Barack Obama
Succeeded by Joe Biden
Personal details
Born Donald John Trump
June 14, 1946 (age 74)
Queens, New York City
Political party Republican (1987–1999, 2009–2011, 2012–present)
Other political
affiliations
Reform (1999–2001)
Democratic (2001–2009)
Independent (2011–2012)
Spouse(s)
Ivana Zelníčková
(m. 1977; div. 1992)
Marla Maples
(m. 1993; div. 1999)
Melania Knauss
(m. 2005)
Children
Donald Jr. Ivanka Eric Tiffany Barron
Parents
Fred Trump
Mary Anne MacLeod
Relatives Family of Donald Trump
Residence Mar-a-Lago[1]
Alma mater Wharton School (BS Econ.)
Occupation
Politicianbusinessmantelevision presenterauthor
Awards List of honors and awards
Signature Donald J. Trump stylized autograph, in ink
Website
Official website
White House Archives
Donald Trump official portrait (cropped).jpg
This article is part of
a series about
Donald Trump
President of the United States
Presidency
Timeline
Transition Inauguration Executive actions
proclamations pardons Trips
international North Korea summits
Singapore Hanoi DMZ Helsinki summit Riyadh summit Shutdowns
January 2018 2018–2019 Polls Lawsuits Protests
St. John's Church photo op Social media Veracity of statements Killings
al-Baghdadi Soleimani Trumpism
Appointments
Cabinet
formation Ambassadors Federal judges
Gorsuch Kavanaugh Barrett Supreme Court candidates Executives U.S. Attorneys
Policies
Economy
tax cuts tariffs China trade war Environment
Paris withdrawal Foreign policy
America First Iran deal Gulf crisis Jerusalem Golan Heights Palestine peace plan Abraham Accords USMCA Immigration
travel ban wall family separation migrant detentions troop deployments national emergency Infrastructure Social issues
cannabis Space
Impeachments
Efforts First impeachment
Trump–Ukraine scandal House inquiry Senate trial Second impeachment
Capitol storming Senate trial
COVID-19 pandemic
Taskforce Communication Government response
CARES Act Operation Warp Speed White House outbreak Interference with science agencies
Presidential campaigns
Interactions involving Russia
Business and personal
vte
Donald John Trump (born June 14, 1946) is an American media personality, businessman, and politician who served as the 45th president of the United States from 2017 to 2021.
Born and raised in Queens, New York City, Trump attended Fordham University for two years and received a bachelor's degree in economics from the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania. He became the president of his father Fred Trump's real estate business in 1971, and renamed it to The Trump Organization. Trump expanded the company's operations to building and renovating skyscrapers, hotels, casinos, and golf courses. He later started various side ventures, mostly by licensing his name. Trump and his businesses have been involved in more than 4,000 state and federal legal actions, including six bankruptcies. He owned the Miss Universe brand of beauty pageants from 1996 to 2015 and produced and hosted the reality television series The Apprentice from 2004 to 2015.
Trump's political positions have been described as populist, protectionist, isolationist, and nationalist. He entered the 2016 presidential race as a Republican and was elected in an upset victory over Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton while losing the popular vote.[a] He became the first U.S. president without prior military or government service. His election and policies sparked numerous protests. Trump made many false and misleading statements during his campaigns and presidency, to a degree unprecedented in American politics. Many of his comments and actions have been characterized as racially charged or racist.
During his presidency, Trump ordered a travel ban on citizens from several Muslim-majority countries, citing security concerns; after legal challenges, the Supreme Court upheld the policy's third revision. He enacted a tax-cut package for individuals and businesses, rescinding the individual health insurance mandate penalty of the Affordable Care Act. He signed criminal justice reform and appointed Neil Gorsuch, Brett Kavanaugh and Amy Coney Barrett to the Supreme Court. He reacted slowly to the COVID-19 pandemic, ignored or contradicted many recommendations from health officials in his messaging, and promoted misinformation about unproven treatments and the availability of testing. In foreign policy, Trump pursued an America First agenda: he renegotiated the North American Free Trade Agreement as the U.S.–Mexico–Canada Agreement and withdrew the U.S. from the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade negotiations, the Paris Agreement on climate change and the Iran nuclear deal. He imposed import tariffs which triggered a trade war with China, moved the U.S. embassy in Israel to Jerusalem and withdrew U.S. troops from northern Syria. He met three times with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un; negotiations on denuclearization eventually broke down.
A special counsel investigation led by Robert Mueller found that Trump and his campaign benefited from Russian interference in the 2016 presidential election, but did not find sufficient evidence to press charges of criminal conspiracy or coordination with Russia. Mueller also investigated Trump for obstruction of justice and his report neither indicted nor exonerated Trump on that offense. Trump later pardoned five of his associates who were convicted as a result of the Russia investigation. After Trump solicited Ukraine to investigate his political rival Joe Biden, the House of Representatives impeached him in December 2019 for abuse of power and obstruction of Congress. The Senate acquitted him of both charges in February 2020.
Trump lost the 2020 presidential election to Biden, but refused to concede defeat. He attempted to overturn the results by making false claims of electoral fraud, pressuring government officials, mounting scores of unsuccessful legal challenges and obstructing the presidential transition. On the day Congress met to tally the electoral votes, January 6, 2021, Trump rallied his supporters and told them to march to the Capitol. They did and stormed it, resulting in the deaths of five people and forcing Congress to evacuate. Seven days later, the House impeached him for incitement of insurrection, making him the only federal officeholder in American history to be impeached twice. The Senate acquitted Trump on February 13, 2021.
Contents
1 Personal life
1.1 Early life
1.2 Family
1.3 Religious views
1.4 Health
1.5 Wealth
2 Business career
2.1 Real estate
2.2 Branding and licensing
2.3 Legal affairs and bankruptcies
2.4 Side ventures
2.5 Foundation
3 Media career
3.1 Books
3.2 Film and television
4 Pre-presidential political career
4.1 2000 presidential campaign
4.2 2012 presidential speculation
4.3 2016 presidential campaign
5 Presidency (2017–2021)
5.1 Early actions
5.2 Conflicts of interest
5.3 Domestic policy
5.4 Other issues
5.5 Immigration
5.6 Foreign policy
5.7 Personnel
5.8 Judiciary
5.9 COVID-19 pandemic
5.10 Investigations
5.11 First impeachment (2019–2020)
5.12 2020 presidential election
5.13 Storming of the U.S. Capitol
5.14 Second impeachment (2021)
6 Post-presidency
7 Public profile
7.1 Approval ratings
7.2 Social media
7.3 False statements
7.4 Promotion of conspiracy theories
7.5 Relationship with the press
7.6 Racial views
7.7 Misogyny and allegations of sexual misconduct
7.8 Allegations of inciting violence
7.9 Popular culture
8 Notes
9 References
9.1 Works cited
10 External links
Personal life
Early life
A black-and-white photograph of Donald Trump as a teenager, smiling, wearing a dark pseudo-military uniform with various badges and a light-colored stripe crossing his right shoulder
Trump at the New York Military Academy in 1964
Donald John Trump was born on June 14, 1946, at Jamaica Hospital in the borough of Queens in New York City,[2][3] the fourth child of Fred Trump, a Bronx-born real estate developer whose parents were German immigrants, and Mary Anne MacLeod Trump, an immigrant from Scotland. Trump grew up with older siblings Maryanne, Fred Jr., and Elizabeth, and younger brother Robert in the Jamaica Estates neighborhood of Queens and attended the private Kew-Forest School from kindergarten through seventh grade.[4][5][6] At age 13, he was enrolled in the New York Military Academy, a private boarding school,[7] and in 1964, he enrolled at Fordham University. Two years later he transferred to the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania, graduating in May 1968 with a B.S. in economics.[8][9] The New York Times reported in 1973 and 1976 that he had graduated first in his class at Wharton, but he had never made the school's honor roll.[10] In 2015, Trump's lawyer Michael Cohen threatened Fordham University and the New York Military Academy with legal action if they released Trump's academic records.[11] While in college, Trump obtained four student draft deferments.[12] In 1966, he was deemed fit for military service based upon a medical examination, and in July 1968 a local draft board classified him as eligible to serve.[13] In October 1968, he was classified 1-Y, a conditional medical deferment,[14] and in 1972, he was reclassified 4-F due to bone spurs, permanently disqualifying him from service.[15][16]
Family
Main article: Family of Donald Trump
Further information: Trump family
In 1977, Trump married Czech model Ivana Zelníčková.[17] They have three children, Donald Jr. (born 1977), Ivanka (born 1981), and Eric (born 1984).[18] Ivana became a naturalized United States citizen in 1988.[19] The couple divorced in 1992, following Trump's affair with actress Marla Maples.[20] Maples and Trump married in 1993[21] and had one daughter, Tiffany (born 1993).[22] They were divorced in 1999,[23] and Tiffany was raised by Marla in California.[24] In 2005, Trump married Slovenian model Melania Knauss.[25] They have one son, Barron (born 2006).[26] Melania gained U.S. citizenship in 2006.[27]
Religious views
Trump went to Sunday school and was confirmed in 1959 at the First Presbyterian Church in Jamaica, Queens.[28][29] In the 1970s, his parents joined the Marble Collegiate Church in Manhattan, which belongs to the Reformed Church.[28][30] The pastor at Marble, Norman Vincent Peale,[28] ministered to Trump's family until Peale's death in 1993.[30] Trump has described Peale as a mentor.[31] In 2015, after Trump said he attends Marble, the church stated he "is not an active member" of the church.[29] In November 2019, Trump appointed his personal pastor, televangelist Paula White, to the White House Office of Public Liaison.[32] In October 2020, Trump said that he identified as a non-denominational Christian.[33]
Health
Trump discharged on October 5 by his team of doctors at Walter Reed
Trump says he has never drunk alcohol, smoked cigarettes, or used drugs.[34][35] He sleeps about four or five hours a night.[36][37] Trump has called golfing his "primary form of exercise" but usually does not walk the course.[38] He considers exercise a waste of energy, because he believes the body is "like a battery, with a finite amount of energy" which is depleted by exercise.[39]
In 2015, Harold Bornstein, who had been Trump's personal physician since 1980, wrote that Trump would "be the healthiest individual ever elected to the presidency" in a letter released by the Trump campaign.[40] In 2018, Bornstein said Trump had dictated the contents of the letter and that three agents of Trump had removed his medical records in February 2017 without authorization.[40][41]
Trump was hospitalized at Walter Reed National Military Medical Center for COVID-19 treatment on October 2, 2020, reportedly with a fever and difficulty breathing. It was revealed in 2021 that his condition had been much more serious. He had extremely low blood oxygen levels, a high fever, and lung infiltrates, indicating a severe case of the disease.[42] He was treated with the antiviral drug remdesevir, the steroid dexamethasone, and the unapproved experimental antibody REGN-COV2.[43] Trump returned to the White House on October 5, still struggling with the disease.[42]
Wealth
Main article: Wealth of Donald Trump
See also: Tax returns of Donald Trump
In 1982, Trump was listed on the initial Forbes list of wealthy individuals as having a share of his family's estimated $200 million net worth. His financial losses in the 1980s caused him to be dropped from the list between 1990 and 1995.[44] In its 2020 billionaires ranking, Forbes estimated Trump's net worth at $2.1 billion[c] (1,001st in the world),[47] making him one of the richest politicians in American history and the first billionaire American president.[47] Forbes estimated that his net worth declined 31% and his ranking fell 138 spots between 2015 and 2018.[48] When he filed mandatory financial disclosure forms with the Federal Election Commission (FEC) in July 2015, Trump claimed a net worth of about $10 billion;[49] however, FEC figures cannot corroborate this estimate because they only show each of his largest buildings as being worth over $50 million, yielding total assets worth more than $1.4 billion and debt of more than $265 million.[50]
Trump and wife Ivana in the receiving line of a state dinner for King Fahd of Saudi Arabia in 1985,[51] with U.S. president Ronald Reagan and First Lady Nancy Reagan
Journalist Jonathan Greenberg reported in 2018 that Trump, using the pseudonym "John Barron" and claiming to be a Trump Organization official, called him in 1984 to falsely assert that he owned "in excess of ninety percent" of the Trump family's business, to secure a higher ranking on the Forbes 400 list of wealthy Americans. Greenberg also wrote that Forbes had vastly overestimated Trump's wealth and wrongly included him on the Forbes 400 rankings of 1982, 1983, and 1984.[52]
Trump has often said he began his career with "a small loan of one million dollars" from his father, and that he had to pay it back with interest.[53] In October 2018, The New York Times reported that Trump "was a millionaire by age 8," borrowed at least $60 million from his father, largely failed to repay those loans, and had received $413 million (adjusted for inflation) from his father's business empire over his lifetime.[54][55] According to the report, Trump and his family committed tax fraud, which a lawyer for Trump denied. The tax department of New York said it is investigating.[56][57] Trump's investments underperformed the stock market and the New York property market.[58][59] Forbes estimated in October 2018 that the value of Trump's personal brand licensing business had declined by 88% since 2015, to $3 million.[60]
Trump's tax returns from 1985 to 1994 show net losses totaling $1.17 billion over the ten-year period, in contrast to his claims about his financial health and business abilities. The New York Times reported that "year after year, Mr. Trump appears to have lost more money than nearly any other individual American taxpayer" and that Trump's "core business losses in 1990 and 1991—more than $250 million each year—were more than double those of the nearest taxpayers in the I.R.S. information for those years." In 1995 his reported losses were $915.7 million.[61][62]
According to a September 2020 analysis by The New York Times of twenty years of data from Trump's tax returns, Trump had accumulated hundreds of millions in losses and deferred declaring $287 million in forgiven debt as taxable income.[63] According to the analysis, Trump's main sources of income were his share of revenue from The Apprentice and income from businesses in which he was a minority partner, while his majority-owned businesses were largely running at losses.[63] A significant portion of Trump's income was in tax credits due to his losses, which enables him to avoid paying income tax, or paying as little as $750, for several years.[63] Over the past decade, Trump has been balancing his businesses' losses by selling and taking out loans against assets, including a $100 million mortgage on Trump Tower (due in 2022) and the liquidation of over $200 million in stocks and bonds.[63] Trump has personally guaranteed $421 million in debt, most of which is due to be repaid by 2024. The tax records also showed Trump had unsuccessfully pursued business deals in China, including by developing a partnership with a major government-controlled company.[64]
Trump has a total of over $1 billion in debts, borrowed to finance his assets, reported Forbes in October 2020. Around $640 million or more was owed to various banks and trust organizations. Around $450 million was owed to unknown creditors. However, Trump's assets still outvalue his debts, reported Forbes.[65]
Business career
Main article: Business career of Donald Trump
Further information: Business projects of Donald Trump in Russia
Real estate
Trump Tower in Midtown Manhattan
While a student at Wharton and after graduating in 1968, Trump worked at his father Fred's real estate company, Trump Management, which owned middle-class rental housing in New York City's outer boroughs.[66][67][68] In 1971, he became president of the company and began using The Trump Organization as an umbrella brand.[69] It was registered as a corporation in 1981.[70]
Manhattan developments
Trump attracted public attention in 1978 with the launch of his family's first Manhattan venture, the renovation of the derelict Commodore Hotel, adjacent to Grand Central Terminal. The financing was facilitated by a $400 million city property tax abatement arranged by Fred Trump,[71] who also joined Hyatt in guaranteeing $70 million in bank construction financing.[72][73] The hotel reopened in 1980 as the Grand Hyatt Hotel,[74] and that same year, Trump obtained rights to develop Trump Tower, a mixed-use skyscraper in Midtown Manhattan.[75] The building houses the headquarters of the Trump Organization and was Trump's primary residence until 2019.[76][77]The following users say it would be alright if the author of this post didn't die in a fire! -
2021-02-23 at 3:24 AM UTCSaying "cannot exonerate" is the same as saying there's no evidence, because if there was evidence, there would be no need to "not exonerate". It's just a play on words intentionally dishonest people use to confuse and obfuscate the truth. It's like saying we couldn't clear you of the robbery, since you were nowhere near he bank that day. We couldn't exonerate you of the bank robbery, and that's why we're not charging you for the crime.
-
2021-02-23 at 10:21 PM UTCthe 4th is getting closer every day guys
-
2021-02-23 at 10:32 PM UTCFollowed by the 5th and 6th and 7th, etc. all presided over by President Biden.
Don't you feel stupid enough already, Skunk, without continuing to dig a deeper hole for yourself?
Will it never end?
Will you go to your grave with Trump's ass firmly lodged to your lips?
Get a damn grip! -
2021-02-23 at 10:39 PM UTCWhat's the next Triumphant Trump Return Date after the 4th fail?
-
2021-02-23 at 10:39 PM UTCWhat's the next Triumphant Trump Return Date after that?
